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Help Me Write Argumentative Essay On Brexit. - blog. Towards the end of his biography of Charles Darwin, AN Wilson quotes the philosopher Karl Popper: “If our civilisation is to survive, we must break with the habit of deference to great men” – a sentiment that he has wholeheartedly embraced. Wilson is not in the slhtest danger of being accused of writing a hagiography. Over 400 or so pages, he rips apart Darwin and the validity of On the Orin of Species. The result is a book that will be make quite a few people angry and others happy. Wilson races through the early years (which is a relie) and settles into the story with Darwin’s time at Edinburgh and Cambridge universities, before the Beagle voyage – a period in which Darwin’s father wrote a scathing, accusatory letter to his son: “You care for nothing but shooting, dogs and rat-catching, and you will be a disgrace to yourself and all your family.” Poor Robert Darwin just couldn’t understand why his son had first abandoned his medical degree and then didn’t concentrate on his studies to become a country clergyman. Instead, Charles preferred to examine marine invertebrates and collect beetles. He learned about botany and geology, and his professor of natural history, the “old, brown, dry stick” Robert Jameson, introduced him to the latest theories from France on fossils, extinctions and the “transmutation of species”. One of the most remarkable stories from this time concerns Darwin’s recollections in his autobiography of being asked about his grandfather Erasmus Darwin’s Zoonomia (1794), a book that included the first full-length treatise on the transmutation of species. The man who gave the world the theory of evolution claimed that he had read it without it “producing any effect on me”, a remark that has long puzzled scholars. Wilson uses this and many other examples to depict Darwin as a man who presented himself as if he had not been influenced by anyone and as an aggressive promoter of the “Darwin brand”. This seems a little unfair, given that Darwin included a list of 30 men who had written about evolutionary ideas before him in the third edition of On the Orin of Species (increasing it to 38 in the next edition). It was at Cambridge that Darwin read Alexander von Humboldt’s Personal Narrative – a book that was partly a travel account and partly a scientific treatise of the German explorer’s expedition through South America. It was this publication, Darwin said, that “determined me to travel in distant countries, and led me to volunteer as naturalist in Her Majesty’s ship Beagle”. So off he went on the voyage that would shape his thinking and our science. In between bouts of seasickness, Darwin read and absorbed Principles of Geology, in which Charles Lyell explained that the Earth had been shaped by a series of very slow movements of elevation and subsidence over an unimaginably long period of time, punctuated by volcanic eruptions and earthquakes. As Darwin examined the rocks and cliffs of distant islands and shores, he saw Lyell’s theory brought to life. Principles of Geology, as Wilson explains, also introduced members of the public to “one of the fundamental truths that would enable them to understand Darwin’s theory of evolution: that the world was older, much, much older, than had ever been conceived”. The story of the Beagle voyage has been told many times, because it made Darwin both as a scientist and as the author of On the Orin of Species. He returned to England in October 1836 with more than 1,500 specimens preserved in spirits and almost 4,000 skins, bones and other items. Then the real work began: sorting, classifying, writing and thinking. He published The Voyage of the Beagle (and sent it in trepidation to his hero Humboldt, who admired it) and began to make notes on his “species theory”. He worked and worked and became “a man possessed”, but also a sick one, suffering from headaches, abdominal pain and vomiting, in effect becoming a semi-invalid nursed by his wife, Emma, whom he ed “Mammy” as if she was his mother. Wilson describes Darwin’s illnesses and home life with the eye of a novelist. After reading Richard Chambers’s anonymously published Vestes of the Natural History of Creation in 1844 (a book that was not propped up by scientific evidence as On the Orin of Species would be, but that expounded similar ideas on evolution and the transmutation of species), Darwin “with many a groan… would rush to the privy which had been rged up behind a curtain in his study at Down”. The descriptions of Darwin’s grunts inside the bathing hut and his letters elaborating every detail of the treatments he underwent leave the reader half laughing and half sorry for him. Wilson’s unsentimental, often breezy storytelling brings the characters in this book alive. He gives pithy pen portraits of Darwin’s contemporaries and the outgoing generation of scientists and thinkers, including David Hume, Thomas Huxley (Darwin’s “bulldog”) and William Buckland, who went fossil hunting in his academic gown and had eaten his way through the animal kingdom, from bluebottle flies to panthers (as well as, apparently, the heart of Louis XIV). And there is also the children’s nanny who had previously worked for the novelist William Makepeace Thackeray and who believed that if Darwin, like Thackeray, had “something to do”, he would feel infinitely better and healthier. But Darwin was doing something: working on his theory of evolution. Hesitating, collecting more evidence, worrying and thinking until Alfred Russel Wallace’s letter arrived on 27 September 1857 – a letter in which Wallace explained a theory that came very close to Darwin’s. Darwin, Wilson writes, “was like an actor being pushed on to the stage before he had fully mastered his role”. He finally put his theory to paper and when On the Orin of Species was published in November 1859, the initial print run of 1,250 copies sold out on the first day. Taken to its full conclusion, Darwin’s theory suggests that humans are part of the same tree of life as all other organisms. During the Oxford debate of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, seven months after the publication of On the Orin of Species, Bishop Samuel Wilberforce provocatively asked Huxley if he traced his descent from an ape though his grandmother’s or grandfather’s side. “The Lord hath delivered him into my hands,” murmured Huxley, who then answered that if he had to choose between an ape or a man who wastes his intellence by “introducing ridicule” into a serious debate, he would “unhesitatingly affirm my preference for the ape” to be his grandfather. Wilson’s account of the meeting is colourful, including Lady Brewster fainting, Admiral Fitz Roy (who had been the captain of the Beagle) clutching the Bible and the botanist Joseph Dalton Hooker, Darwin’s friend, telling the audience that the new theory was “the best weapon for future research”. The idea that it was the Church that criticised Darwin most, Wilson explains, is based on how many of the established scientists were working at the older universities, where the fellows were clergymen. They were attacking Darwin as scientists, not as Christians, Wilson writes, so this was not so much about theology but an issue of “an academic orthodoxy under threat”. I would go further and suggest that in today’s battles over Darwin and evolution, there is a sharper division between relion and science than there was in the 19th century. The crazy creationist crowd, especially in the US, is proof of that. Take the Discovery Institute and its promotion of “intellent desn”, or court cases and legislative hearings such as the “Kansas evolution hearings”, in which the state’s board of education tried to introduce intellent desn into the school curriculum. But whatever the reasons of Darwin’s contemporaries, the gloves were off – as they are for Wilson. Throughout his book, Wilson points out that Darwin was reluctant to acknowledge others. Edward Blyth, for example, Wilson states, had already published an article about natural selection in 1835 (two years before Darwin started thinking seriously about the transmutation of species). But as Stephen Jay Gould has pointed out, natural selection as explained by Blyth and other scientists at the time was simply a way of explaining how unfit species disappeared, while Darwin interpreted it as a “creative force”. Darwin was certainly possessive about what he ed “my theory”, but he acknowledged Blyth in On the Orin of Species when he wrote: “Mr Blyth, whose opinion, from his large and varied stores of knowledge, I should value more than that of almost anyone…” “Darwin was wrong” is the first sentence in this biography, and with that Wilson establishes the tone for the rest of the book. He sets out to kick Darwin off his throne by trying to debunk two central arguments: first, that evolution is gradual and species evolve in small steps; second, that nature is in a state of perpetual warfare. I’m not convinced by Wilson’s arguments and I have heard enough, for example, about the discovery of “transitional fossils” to believe that there are plenty of “missing links”. But I’m not an evolutionary biologist or geneticist (nor is AN Wilson), so I will leave it to those scientists to pick this apart in detail. Of course Darwin got some stuff wrong, but isn’t that what happens – and should happen – in science? As a historian, however, I feel uncomfortable with the link that Wilson makes between Darwin and Adolf Hitler. “Darwin was a direct and disastrous influence,” he writes, and: “Germany [enacted] the Reich Citizenship Law, the Blood Protection Law, the Marital Health Law and the Nuremberg Laws for racial segregation, all based on bogus Victorian science, much of which had started life in the gentle setting of Darwin’s study at Down House.” Seriously? In 2013, the historian Robert J Richards composed an erudite rebuke to those who have made similar claims. ”, Richards explained that many of Hitler’s remarks could be traced back to Darwin, “or to Aristotle, or to Christ” – if we just played a game of “six degrees of Charles Darwin”. Richards also illustrated that Hitler rejected the concept of the transmutation of species and that his ideas of the struggle between races were derived from “non-Darwinian sources”. One of the Hitler quotations that Wilson uses to illustrate this connection – “One may be repelled by this law of nature which demands that all living things should mutually devour one another. The fly is snapped up by a dragonfly, which is itself swallowed by a bird, which itself falls victim to a larger bird” – closely resembles a passage in the work of the 18th-century Swedish botanist Carl Linnaeus. Even if Hitler had cited On the Orin of Species as his inspiration, it wouldn’t make Darwin’s theory less valid, and nor does it reflect on his morals. Wilson is at his strongest when he places Darwin and his work in the context of Victorian Britain. The march from primates to so-ed civilised humans, for example, which Darwin described in The Descent of Man (1871), is for Wilson a “mirror of the social climbing which had enabled such ascents as his own grandfather’s family from the dreaded depths of trade”. Darwin gave the ambitious and striving Victorians what Wilson s a “consolation myth”, because his theory of evolution explained their greed and selfishness to be natural. As the author of the bestselling The Victorians (and several other books on the subject), Wilson commands a sweeping knowledge of 19th-century Britain. He describes Darwin as, in essence, two men: the genius naturalist who returned from the Beagle voyage with thousands of specimens and spent a decade researching barnacles, and the theorist who wrote On the Orin of Species. His preference lies clearly with the naturalist and my guess is that, like me, quite a few readers will not agree with Wilson’s assessment. Reading Charles Darwin: Victorian Mythmaker is a bit like sitting next to a very argumentative person at a dinner party – polarising and sometimes annoying, but certainly thought-provoking. Help with my education dissertation chapter. Write my esl biography best custom ghostwriter services for mba esl scholarship essay editing websites au help me write argumentative essay on brexit best mba paper help.
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If there is a God, then anything is The British are voting Thursday in a historic referendum on EU membership, a vote that could have implications not only for the U. but for the entire 28-member bloc that represents Europe’s most ambitious post-World War II experiment as well as one of the world’s largest economies. There have been dire warnings about the consequences, economic and otherwise, of leaving the EU, pleas for the U. to remain, and impassioned arguments as well as practical ones for it to get out. But the bloc has since become further integrated, rechristening itself the European Union in 1993, and has grown in both membership and influence. Initial fures from the country’s Electoral Commission said 46,499,537 people had registered—a record in Britain for what is only its third referendum ever. But what exactly is at issue and who is saying what? Adult citizens of England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland all get a vote, along with Irish citizens who live in the U. nationals who have lived outside the country for less than 15 years are also elible. “Should the United Kingdom remain a member of the European Union or leave the European Union? Britons voted in a referendum in 1975 on whether to stay in what was then ed the European Economic Community (EEC), the precursor to the European Union, formed among six founding countries in 1957 to facilitate the movement of goods and workers among its members; the U. EU citizens can freely travel between member states, and much of the bloc has open internal borders. But the perceived burdens of free mration to the U. from elsewhere in the EU, and cumbersome regulations from the bloc’s capital in Brussels has prompted some Britons to ask: Is EU membership worth it? The official campan from Britain to leave the EU is Vote Leave. In brief, the “Leave” campan argues that leaving the EU will allow Britons to “take back control and … The intensity of debate is clear in recent remarks from U. politicians on opposing sides of the debate, who have invoked not only that exemplar of hh-intensity rhetoric, Hitler (on behalf of the “leave” side), but his murderous, present-day ideological descendant, ISIS “caliph” Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi (in defense of staying). Opinion polls conducted ahead of the referendum showed a statistical dead heat. Under electoral rules, British media can only report on certain aspects of Thursday’s vote, but the results will begin to emerge once the polls close. What follows is an updating guide to the state of the debate ahead of the June 23 vote. It’s a portmanteau that combines “Britain” and “exit.” The convention is not orinal to this campan; Greece’s economic crisis last year raised fears—as yet unrealized—of a “Grexit” from the of countries within the EU that shares the euro currency. K., as well as citizens from the more than 50 Commonwealth countries—former British colonies such as Australia, India, and Jamaica—who reside in Britain. Following his Conservative Party’s victory in 2015 parliamentary elections, Prime Minister David Cameron fulfilled a 2013 pledge to schedule a referendum on the U. spend our money on our priorities.” The “In” campan says, “Britain is stronger, safer and better off in Europe than we would be out on our own.”Allegiances are not defined by party affiliation. Both Cameron and Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn support staying in, as does George Osborne, the U. K.’s chancellor of the exchequer, a Conservative, who warned the country would become “permanently poorer,” with its economy shrinking by 6 percent, if it left the bloc. But Boris Johnson, the former London mayor who belongs to the same Conservative Party as Osborne and Cameron, and who is a potential rival to Cameron for the party’s leadership, is an advocate of leaving, as is Kate Hoey, a prominent Labour lawmaker, and the U. Independence Party, the rht-wing political . Prime Minister David Cameron, Conservative: STAY Cameron sought—and received—better terms for the U. K.’s membership in the EU following negotiations that concluded in February, after which he said he supported staying in the bloc. He described leaving the EU as a “leap in the dark. I do not believe that would be rht for Britain.” And on June 21 he made a last-minute appeal to his fellow Britons: “Brits don’t quit. If I had to sum up this entire campan in a word, it would be that word ‘together.’ I think together we are better able to face the challenges from terrorism and climate change, we are better able to grow our economies, better able to drive good trade deals ... and I want us to get the good deals so we give better chances to everyone in our country. Former London Mayor Boris Johnson, Conservative: GO Cameron’s rival for Conservative leadership is the loudest voice advocating Britain’s exit. “There is simply no common political culture in Europe,” he said May 9. Days later, he took it a step further, telling the : “Napoleon, Hitler, various people tried this out, and it ends tragiy. The EU is an attempt to do this by different methods.” And, on Wednesday, he said it was time for the U. to “break away from the failing and dysfunctional EU system.”“This is a crucial time, lots of people will be making up their minds, and I hope very much they will believe in our country, believe in what we can do,” he said. Opposition Leader Jeremy Corbyn, Labour: STAY Corbyn has long been a Euroskeptic, that is, unconvinced on the merits of the European project and its impact on individual states. But he is fhting, at least publicly, to keep Britain in the bloc. “It is not the European Union that is the problem here, it is the Conservative Government” of Cameron, he said May 14, hardly a ringing endorsement of the European project. There is a serious risk of a new referendum, not immediately perhaps, but eventually.”And Blair’s: “We understand that, although today Northern Ireland is more stable and more prosperous than ever, that stability is poised on carefully constructed foundations. He added: “Do we allow xenophobes to take over or do we instead occupy that political and intellectual territory of the idea that you can solve things together? Major’s words: “The plain, uncomfortable truth is that the unity of the U. And so we are naturally concerned at the prospect of anything that could put those foundations at risk.”That fure had fluctuated dramatiy in the days leading up to the vote, with the “exit” camp leading, but polls released June 20 suggested the prospect of an “exit” was diminishing, prompting a surge in global stock . As someone who has felt great admiration and affection for your nation for almost 50 years, and who has worked with you in office and through my Foundation for more than two decades, I have seen the difference your leadership has made both within the EU, and as a leading representative of Europe throughout the world. EU Voters: STAY The European establishment has given Cameron many of the benefits he sought for continued EU membership, and, presumably, wants Britain to stay. You’d better build those alliances working with people rather than isolating yourselves from them.”Former Prime Ministers Tony Blair and John Major: STAYMajor, a Conservative, and Blair, a Labourite, made a joint appeal on June 9 for Britain to stay in the EU, saying a vote to leave could lead to Scotland voting to secede from the U. There are also fears that an exit would prompt other EU members to leave, further weakening a bloc that has been buffeted since 2008 by economic malaise and the most severe mrant crisis faced by the region since World War II. I don’t think the EU moderates British influence in the world, it magnifies it.” He added that even if Britons voted to leave the bloc, it wouldn’t alter the “special relationship” between the two countries, even if it pushed the U. to “the back of the queue” on trade deals with the U. Donald Trump: GO The presumptive Republican presidential nominee said in an interview that aired May 16 that if he were British he would probably vote to leave. Perhaps more severe for the bloc is the threat of a credit downgrade for individual member states that are heavily exposed to Britain. Trump also ed the EU “very bureaucratic and very difficult” and a “disaster.”U. Federal Reserve: Janet Yellen, the chair of the central bank, told congressional lawmakers on June 21 that an exit could have “snificant economic repercussions” that would result in “a period of uncertainty both for the United Kingdom and for the future of European economic integration.”World Trade Organization: Roberto Azevedo, the head of the WTO, said in an interview published Wednesday by the that leaving the EU would cost Britons an extra .2 billion in import tariffs. K.’s trade [with the world] would somehow have to be negotiated,” he said. Institute for Fiscal Studies: The nonpartisan think tank has warned that Britain could face two more years of austerity measures if it votes to leave the EU. European citizens, meanwhile, want Britain to stay. is at its best when it’s helping to lead a strong European Union. Those steps were introduced as Britain emerged from the global economic recession. European Council President Donald Tusk: STAY Tusk, the president of the European Council, railed on May 17 against Johnson’s invocation of Hitler, ing it “absurd.”U. President Barack Obama: STAY The American president has, quite controversially, wehed in on Britain’s upcoming vote. Here’s an excerpt: In the short run, our estimates therefore suggest that the overall effect of Brexit would be to damage the public finances. On the basis of estimates by NIESR, the effect could be between £20 billion and £40 billion in 2019–20, more than enough to wipe out the planned surplus. In the long run, lower GDP would likely mean lower cash levels of public spending. Christine Lagarde, the IMF’s managing director, said the impact on Britain’s economy could range from “pretty bad to very, very bad.”Bank of England: Mark Carney, the bank’s governor, warned May 12 that the consequences of Britain’s exit from the EU “could possibly include a cal recession.”Business leaders: The private sector has come down on both sides of the issue. International Monetary Fund: The IMF said in mid-May that Brexit could hurt both the U. Large British companies and transnational corporations have warned against a vote to leave. But in a letter published in mid-May in , more than 300 other industry leaders said the EU’s bureaucracy hurt Britain’s competitiveness. “Brussels’ red tape stifles every one of Britain’s 5.4 million businesses, even though only a small minority actually trade with the EU,” they wrote, adding: “It’s time to vote leave and take back control.” But on June 20, three days before the vote, the heads of some of the U. K.’s bgest business fures and institutions, including Richard Branson and the Premier League, urged a vote to remain. See also. Related Story Best of 2011 Only Communism can save liberal democracy Slavoj Zizek ; Related Story Liberalism as politics for a race of devils.
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Type My Custom Best Essay On Brexit Britain is going to have to decide whether the UK stays in the European Union by the end of 2017 – and for the first time ever, in my view, the arguments for us breaking ties with Brussels are looking more appealing. Britain exiting the EU – "Brexit" – wasn't something that I've ever thought was a good idea, either financially or politiy. Seeing how the and politicians have dealt with the eurozone soveren debt crisis, the worst refugee problem since World War II and constant squabbles over EU lawmaking that wrecks national soverenty, I've become fully unstuck from the mud of the pro-EU camp and will sit on the fence until we vote. After all, each of the 28 nation members are in it together, working under a single market ideal, where policies and laws are enacted for the good of all countries and do not give a distinct advantage to one more than any other another. Naturally people will ask why I believe that Britain should potentially leave the EU but still believe Scotland should be part of the UK. Mainly, as with most of my arguments, it's the economics – cold, hard numbers. Scotland had a much better case decades ago for breaking off from the rest of the UK without cutting off their nose to spite their face. Scotland massively depends on oil for revenue, and in the 1980s it would have probably been able to argue that the country's economy was strong enough to sustain jobs and its own balance sheet. However, the landscape has changed and the resource that the Scottish National Party hhted as a jewel in the country's crown doesn't shine anymore. OPEC statistics show that average oil output in 2013 from the North Sea clocked its lowest level since 1977, and prices have plunged. Scotland depends on the rest of the UK for its pensions, its welfare and for jobs. However, Britain is not in the same boat as Scotland, and we shouldn't treat both referendums the same way. The political and economic situation is far more complex. We are meant to be operating under the bloc's Single Market mechanism as an EU member. The EU describes it as "one territory without any internal borders or other regulatory obstacles to the free movement of goods and services." It's basiy meant to stimulate competition and trade, improve efficiency, and helps cut prices. Basiy, it only works if all countries are identical and work as a hive, like the Borg in Star Trek. That sounds like a Utopian ideal, and it has not worked at all. Take a look at the complete schism between the economic growth of the UK, Germany and the rest of the Eurozone. Britain is sitting pretty at the moment regardless of the political camp you hail from. Britain's performance has more in common with the economic recovery in the US than the Eurozone. Unemployment is just 5.5%, which is pretty much as close to "full employment" as we can get. Inflation is low, real wages are rising at a solid pace, and more people are able to get on the housing ladder. We are also one of the key financial centres in the world. Now compare it to the unemployment rate in these countries and the rest of the Eurozone as a whole: Doesn't really look like a Single Market rht? Certain countries are propping up Europe's economic fures, while others are still stagnant or practiy in recession. At the beginning of September, my colleague Oscar Williams-Grut pointed out that the so-ed Single Market has a massive problem – Germany. German manufacturing is a booming behemoth, while almost every other nation bar Greece is at some sort of low. Britain's manufacturing sector is not he same as it was back in 1950s, and we now depend a lot on imports and exports (I will come to this later). Greece's rebalancing towards exports has been achieved simply by imports collapsing. All you need to do is take one look at that country and realise there is nothing about that nation that is rebounding at the moment. Concerns over the Single Market being a whole load of poppycock are more relevant than ever, especially since the eurozone debt crisis of 2009. First and foremost, even though we are meant to be part of one b unit, we have no fiscal union to address underperforming areas. In Britain, for example, London may generate greater amounts of wealth than certain regions in the country. If somewhere like Nottingham was struggling, the money is redistributed to pay for welfare or prop up the local economy. Sure, we lend money and force them to gut their country from the inside out, but a loan is not a re-distribution of wealth. Infrastructure, like new railway lines, could be installed to link cities and create greater connection for people working or looking to expand business. Countries that need to devalue their currency to spur exports can't. The EU isn't doing as well as it used to and it's really down skewed economic reporting that suggests the eurozone is doing great. As demonstrated before, Germany is propping up manufacturing growth fures. Take a look at how the EU really isn't as well-positioned as it was when Britain entered the bloc in 1973: The EU's economy is "shrinking relative to other countries across the globe" and its population is ageing. In 2020, the ratio of working-age people to pensioners in the EU will be 3:1, while in 2050 it'll be 2:1. This is according to a Business for Britain report published in June, which had Mark Littlewood of the Institute of Economic Affairs, John Mills of JML, and fund manager Helena Morrissey of Newton on its editorial board. They added that tax payments to the EU, the level of bureaucracy, and the changing population are all contributing to greater cost for the nation. Relinquishing national soverenty sounds a lot like rht-wing hooey, but having a look at how the EU has operated in the worst of times hasn't resolved any of these concerns. Soverenty is meant to be when a state has the absolute power to govern itself, make, execute, and apply laws, and impose and collect taxes. The country has teetered on the brink of collapse so many times, it mht as well jump off the cliff. Of course, being part of a union means we should all y share that burden and have a say in what laws are enacted, while also making sure others aren't penalised to the advantage of other nations. But it can't because it's stuck with loans it doesn't want, that seem near impossible for it to pay back. The one time it did show some semblance of soverenty or power was at its referendum on the bailout. The public voted against the extremely harsh (and arguably necessary) conditions in exchange for emergency cash. And we all know how that turned out – an utterly pointless exercise. All that happened is that Greece wound up owing its creditors so much that they used it against them in their next round of negotiations. German finance minister Wolfgang Schaeuble said radical left-wing Greek finance minister Yannis Varoufakis "strains the solidarity of European partners" shortly before his departure from the government. And what happened to Greece – well the referendum didn't make a difference and it still had to go back to its creditors with its tail between its legs. There are a few things that Britons are getting really tired of, and a growing mountain of examples to show how the UK doesn't really have much of a say in what happens within the bloc. Since 2010, the EU has introduced over 3,500 new laws affecting British business. Business for Britain hhted in its report in June that the sheer volume of red tape that affects the UK is costing billions. "The British Chambers of Commerce has shown that the total cost of EU regulation is £7.6 billion ( billion) per year," said the report. "Since the Lisbon Treaty came into force in December 2009, it has cost British businesses £12.2 billion (.3 billion) (net) in extra regulation." Furthermore, Britain doesn't really as much of a say as I thought. "The Commission proposes new laws in the EU, but the UK’s representation has declined dramatiy and many officials are adamantly opposed to the sort of changes that the UK seeks," says the report. "When the UK joined the EU in 1973, we had 20% of the votes. British MEPs voted against 576 EU proposals between 20, but 485 still passed and became law." While the UK Prime Minister David Cameron has publicly said that he and George Osborne would prefer to stay as part of the EU but under renegotiated terms, genuine reform seems hy unlikely to happen. Britain shouldn't leave the EU and shut the borders because of fears of immration, but the position the country has been put in is an extremely uncomfortable one. As demonstrated, Britain's economy and society is unique. No country within the European Union does, that's why a Single Market doesn't actually exist. However, the way Brussels has handled the worst refugee crisis in over half a century is not making it easy to bat away concerns over soverenty and understanding of the different needs of a country. The United Nations said on October 1 that it was expecting 700,000 mrants and refugees to reach Europe via the Mediterranean sea this year. Britain, as well as the rest of Europe has to tackle this but by forcing countries to blanket quotas, which is what was bandied around over the last month, it is only making it even more apparent that there is one way – their way or the hhway. Economiy, take a look at the financial transactions tax (FTT) proposal. The FTT, more commonly known as the Robin Hood Tax, places a 0.05% on trades involving stocks, bonds, foren currency, and derivatives. However, the European Commission is aiming to launch the FTT in January 2016 with slhtly different tax calculations — 0.1% on shares and 0.01% on bond transactions where at least one of the parties was based in the EU. The Conservative government, the financial sector, and various business s are heavily against the FTT. The Tory-led government hates the tax proposition so much that UK Chancellor George Osborne even had to go through the length of launching a legal suit against the FTT plan which was adopted by 11 EU states. Basiy, even if Britain doesn't sn up for it, the UK would be still financially penalised if it does business with other countries that sn up for FTT. Now, I am still not fully up for Britain leaving the European Union – there are still a huge amount of advantages of staying in. But the argument for leaving is not looking as scary as I first thought. We are a nation that depends on imports for energy and goods and in turn of being part of the EU we have a decent mechanism for trade. Severing links could easily make it more expensive to import or ship goods. But, at the moment, if Cameron is unable to renegotiate Britain's terms of membership under the EU, I fear I may have do the previously unthinkable and vote for a Brexit. Google has many special features to help you find exactly what you're looking for. Search the world's information, including webpages, images, videos and more. Type My Custom Best Essay On Brexit.
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